MARATHON
The First Persian War

Picture courtesy of Jim Carrozza


How the battle came to be:

Marathon - undoubtedly one of the greatest, and most influential, battles in ancient, if not world history. Had things gone differently then there would surely have been no Thermopylae, no Salamis, no Plataea and the whole sequence of Greek and Persian history and it’s influence on world history, would have been different. Had the Persians won at Marathon, one way or another, they may not have gone on initially to attempt conquering all of Greece, but Athens would surely have become a Persian Satrap (province) with either a puppet Greek ruler or Persian governor.

How the rest of Greece, particularly the fiercely anti-tyrannical Spartans, would have reacted to that we can only imagine

Under Persian rule Athens would never have acquired its own powerful fleet thus Phoenician & Egyptian ships and Persian influence would have dominated Mediterranean & world trade.

Imagine also what effect a Persian influenced Athens would have had on the likes of Aeschylus, the founder of drama; Anaxagoras, Plato & Protagoras, the philosophers; Aristophanes, the comic dramatist; Euripides, the playwright; Herodotus, “the father of history”; Hippocrates, “the father of medicine”; Isocrates, the orator; Phidias, the great sculptor; Pindar & Sophocles, the poets; and Thucydides the historian. All these lived in, and drew inspiration from, fifth century Greek Athens.

But it is difficult to understand the reasons for, and outcome of, the battle without first looking briefly at the political, military and social history that led to it.

When Darius acceded to the throne of Persia in 522 he already had experience of the “arrogance of Greeks”. As a member of the Royal bodyguard to Cambyses II, son of Cyrus the Great, he would have been well aware of the story of the Spartan ambassador Lacrines’ visit to Sardis and his warning to Cyrus “…..leave the cities of the Ionians well alone, if not then you will answer to the people who sent me….”, prompting Cyrus to ask “Who are these Spartans?”

Darius was to have cause to ask himself “who are these Spartans?” when, in 508bc Hippias, the pro-Persian tyrant of Athens and his rumoured Persian-financed Scythian & Thracian mercenary force was defeated by a Spartan army led by Cleomenes I of Sparta. Hippias fled to Persia, reporting his woes to Darius who promptly threatened to attack Athens if they did not accept Hippias return and reinstatement; nevertheless the Athenians preferred to remain democratic despite the danger from Persia.

Then in 499bc the Ionian Greek city states revolted against Persian rule, led by Aristagoras of Miletus and his father-in-law Histiaeus, the former tyrant of Miletus who was now an advisor to Darius.

The revolt was strongly supported by Miltiades, born in the city of Athens during the tyrannical reign of Hippias’s father Pisistratus, but now living in Chersonese, the peninsula north of Troy and west of the Hellespont the land he inherited in 520bc and partly populated with Athenian settlers.

Miltiades himself was a former ally of Darius having supported Darius’s invasion of Thrace & Scythian in 516bc.

The revolt spread quickly through the whole of Ionia and Aristagoras realized that the Persian Empire would soon be sending a military expedition to reclaim their cities. As a result, he travelled to mainland Greece to gain support. Whilst Sparta declined, Athens and Eretria agreed and both sent a fleet supported by a force of hoplites, landing at Ephesus on the Ionian coast. There they joined with a force of Ionians and marched upon Sardis. Although the Greeks were unable to take the citadel, they were free to pillage the town. During the pillaging, fires set throughout the city spread out of control and burned Sardis to the ground.

It is said that when Darius heard of Sardis being burnt by the Athenians he swore vengeance upon them, and tasked a servant with reminding him three times each day of his vow. At each meal-time the servant would say “Master, remember the Athenians” - Herodotus.

Having met with some measure of success, the Greek troops were forced to return to Ephesus as Persian reinforcements approached. On their way, however, they were ambushed by the Persian army and disastrously defeated. The Athenian troops rapidly effected a retreat onto their vessels, and returned to Greece. The Ionian revolt lasted little longer and was finally crushed in 494bc with the capture of Miletus. When the Persians suppressed the revolt, Miltiades was in danger, and when the Persian fleet approached in 494 or 493, he gave up the Chersonese and fled to Athens.

After the Ionian revolt, it was clear to the Persian government that the possessions in Asia Minor could be safe only when the Greeks in the west were subjected as well. It was time for Darius to finally deal with the Greek problem.


The battle :

In 490bc Darius sent a fleet of 600 warships and a force of 25,000 infantry and 5,000 cavalry under the command of the Mede general Datis and Artaphernes who’s city Sardis the Athenians had burnt. With the expedition also went Hippias, the former Pisistrad ruler of Athens, who the Persians intended to re-instate. There is no doubt that Hippias was in communication with certain factions within Athens who were conspiring to hand the city over to him on his return, which may explain why the Persian force was not larger, perhaps only meant as a token force to dispel any thoughts of resistance.

The Persians first landed on Euboea and burnt Eretria on 1st September 490, its inhabitants were enslaved and deported to Elam. As well as dealing a good lesson to the Eretrians this action was probably also calculated to frighten the Athenians, and if resistance was to be offered, then to draw the Athenian army some distance from Athens itself. The Persian force then sailed the short distance to the Greek mainland disembarking and camping on the plain of Marathon, probably on the 2nd or 3rd September.

In Athens itself the assembly was split between resisting the Persians or accepting their terms. Many, including the Pisistrad party, favoured re-instating Hippias, others, including Miltiades of  the Philiad party & Kallimachus favoured resistance. Hippias was almost certainly kept aware of, and involved with, the ensuring intrigue and debate. It was probably the assembly’s awareness of this intrigue that caused them to take the decision to advance and engage the Persians rather than to try and hold the city against siege. It would appear that Miltiades was the leading advocate of this strategy. He would have been well aware of the of the failure of the Ionian cities to defend themselves against siege by the Persians. He may already have had his own theory of how a show of force may deter the Persians from pursuing their objectives. Certainly his authority and experience of Persian tactics could not be questioned by any in the assembly.

The decision to march to meet the Persians at Marathon was probably taken on the 6th or 7th of September. Runners were sent to neighbouring cities calling for aid, including the famed long-distance runner Pheidippides who, on the 7th, was sent the 150 miles to Sparta. He arrived there in just two days and addressed the Spartans, according to Herodotus,  thus; “Men of Lacedaemon, the Athenians pray you come to their assistance and not allow our most ancient Hellenic city to be reduced to servitude by the barbarians”.

The Athenian force of some 9,000 hoplites commanded by the pole march Kallimachus, arranged in it’s ten tribes each commanded by it’s own general, probably left Athens the day after Pheidippides, reaching the coast on perhaps the 9th or 10th. They took up position on a slope just over a mile from the Persians and overlooking their position on the plain of Marathon below. The position was well chosen; it blocked both roads south to Athens preventing the Persians from moving out without attacking. Furthermore the Persians were unlikely to give up their preferred battleground and beachhead and attack uphill. The Athenians could therefore afford to wait for their reinforcements, particularly the Spartans. They had no reason to suspect that the Spartans would not come to their aid, although they understood that the earliest that such aid would arrive would be the 13th.

Shortly after the Athenian arrival a force of some 1,000 hoplites from the city of Plataea arrived bringing the total force to some 10,000, still outnumber 3 to 1 but the odds were improving.

In more ways than one the situation was an impasse. Whilst the Athenians waited hopefully for the arrival of the Spartans, the Persians also had an incentive to wait. Hippias encamped with the Persian army must have been pleased with the extra time to contact his agents and supporters in Athens. The longer the Athenian force and some of his principal adversaries remained at Marathon and away from the city, the longer he had to hatch a conspiracy.

The two forces therefore faced each other, content to wait for their own plans to reach fruition.

Pheidippides probably returned to the Athenian position around the 12th bearing the news that the Spartans, who were celebrating the festival of Carnea, refused to march until after the full moon on the 15th.

The Athenian generals were now fully aware of how long they would have to wait for the Spartans to arrive, at least six days, time that the pro-Persian alliance in Athens could make good use of.

A full council of war was now held in the Athenian camp attended, according to Herodotus, the ten generals who included Miltiades and Themistocles, and the polemarch Kallimachus. The question of who had overall command is confusing and not helped by inconsistencies from Herodotus who suggests that the generals took command daily in rotation, and that the pole march retained overall command.

The decision before them was clear however, should they continue to wait for the arrival of the Spartans or fight. Herodotus records that the decision was equally split, with 5 of the generals favouring waiting and five, including Miltiades, favouring fighting.

According to Herodotus,  Miltiades convinced Kallimachos with these words:

With thee it rests, Kallimachos, either to bring Athens to slavery, or, by securing her freedom, to leave behind thee to all future generations a memory beyond even Harmodius and Aristogeiton. For never since the time that the Athenians became a people were they in so great a danger as now. If they bow their necks beneath the yoke of the Medes, the woes which they will have to suffer when given into the power of Hippias are already determined on; if, on the other hand, they fight and overcome, Athens may rise to be the very first city in Greece. How it comes to pass that these things are likely to happen, and how the determining of them in some sort rests with thee, I will now proceed to make clear. We generals are ten in number, and our votes are divided; half of us wish to engage, half to avoid a combat. Now, if we do not fight, I look to see a great disturbance at Athens which will shake men’s resolutions, and then I fear they will submit themselves; but if few fight the battle before any unsoundness show itself among our citizens, let the gods but give us fair play, and we are well able to overcome the enemy. On thee therefore we depend in this matter, which lies wholly in thine own power. Thou hast only to add thy vote to my side and thy country will be free, and not fee only, but the first state in Greece. Or, if thou preferest to give they vote to them who would decline the combat, then the reverse will follow.”

“By saying these things Miltiades won over Kallimachos, and by the addition of the pole march’s opinion it was decided to fight. And afterwards the generals whose opinion favored fighting, when each of their daily supreme commands happened, gave them over to Miltiades; and he received them, but did not make an attack until his own supreme command happened.”

Herodotus History Book VI

In the Persian camp Hippias was surely aware that Pheidippides had been dispatched to Sparta. He would also have been aware that he had returned to the Athenian camp for surely Persian cavalry scouts would be watching all approaches to the Athenian position.

It is probable that Hippias even had spies amongst the camp followers and slaves within the Athenian camp.  He would certainly have been aware that the Spartans had pledged support and that they would depart Sparta on or after the 15th.

The Persian commander Datis was probably also concerned about the Spartan arrival and the fact that the Athenian force had thus far failed to disintegrate despite the efforts of Hippias and his supporters. He could not have favoured the Athenians being further reinforced and perhaps having numbers enough to successfully defend their position or even to attack his. With the Athenian force blocking both roads to Athens the only way to strike at Athens before the Spartans arrived was to send a cavalry force with Hippias by sea. Hippias had no doubt assured him, and perhaps with good reason, that such a force would be allowed into the city by his supporters.

It seems likely that such a plan was started for Herodotus makes no mention of Persian cavalry taking part in the battle. Some sources state that Miltiades had spies amongst the Ionian sailors in the Persian fleet who brought reports that the Persian cavalry had left for Athens.

It is also likely that seeing such a move by the Persians spurred Miltiades into making his decision.

In anycase, he immediately called the Athenians to arms and formed their lines approximately one mile from the Persian camp.

Picture courtesy of Romilos Fronimides


On the battle itself Herodotus writes the following:

“But when it did come around to him, then the Athenians were stationed for fighting in the following way: the right horn was led by the polemarch, Kallimachos...and...those holding the left horn the Plataeans. Their battle-line was equal in length to the Persian battle-line, and while the middle part was only a few ranks deep (and in that place the battle-line was weakest) the horn nevertheless, on each side, was healthy in its multitude. And when they were stationed and the sacrificial omens were good, then as soon as they were released the Athenians at a run went against the barbaroi (and there were between them not less than eight stades). But when the Persians saw them coming on at a run they prepared to receive them, and deemed it a mania among the Athenians—and one wholly destructive—seeing them so few and charging at a run, not having horsemen with them nor archers. Such things then the barbaroi surmised; but the Athenians, when all in a bunch they mixed in with the barbaroi, fought in a way worthy of report. For they were the first of the Hellenes—of all those of whom we know—to make use of a running charge against enemy warriors, and the first who bore even seeing the clothing of the Persians and the men therein clothed—until then it was for Hellenes a fearful thing even to hear the name of the Persians.

While they were battling at Marathon a long time passed, and in the middle of the battle-line victory went to the barbaroi (here the Persians themselves and Sakae were stationed; for this reason, indeed, victory went to the barbaroi) and breaking through they pursued the Athenians inland; on the other hand, at the horn on each end victory went to the Athenians and Plataeans. And since they were victors, they allowed the routed part of the barbaroi to flee, but at the middle, against those who had broken through their own lines, they pulled together the horns and, on both sides, fought. The Athenians were the victors. And as the Persians fled, they followed, cutting them down, until when they had come to the sea they demanded fire and seized the ships.

This too: in this work the polemarch was killed, a man become heroic, and also there died, of the generals, Stesileos son of Thrasyleos; and this too: Kynegeiros son of Euphorion there, seizing the stern of a ship, had his hand cut off by an axe, and fell; so too other Athenians, many and famous.

Seven of the ships were gotten in this way by the Athenians. But in the rest the barbaroi put out to sea and, taking up from the island in which they had left them the Eretrian slaves, they sailed around Sounion, hoping to anticipate the Athenians in coming into the city. Blame for this, it was held among the Athenians, fell to the Alkmaeonids: that by their scheme this plan was put in the minds of the Persians, for they had conspired together with them and showed them a shield [as signal] when they were already on their ships.

In this battle at Marathon were killed, of the barbaroi about six thousand four hundred men, and of the Athenians one hundred and ninety-two—there fell, on both sides, so many.”



Datis must have wondered at the sight. Never before had a Persian general been faced with the sight of an attacking Greek phalanx. Herodotus claims the Greeks ran for eight stades, or one mile, which seems unlikely. No Greek citizen soldier, and probably not even the Spartans, could have ran that distance in full armour, maintained formation, and still fought effectively. It is more probable that they marched to within 200 yards, giving the Persians time to form their lines, and then ran into contact.

The Persians were probable confident that they could adopt a static defensive position, secure in the knowledge that their arrow-fire from 200 yards would shred the advancing hoplites. The sudden acceleration of the Greek line into a run at 200 yards undoubtedly confused them allowing for only one shot which probably overshot the Greek line. It was a brilliant strategy employed by the Greeks and was later to become a standard tactic for use against archers. What archer would have risked a second shot with a phalanx bearing down on him. The Persians did what could be expected, they drew their swords and met the charge.

Whilst their centre, made up of Persian and Scythian veterans did well through numerical advantage, their flanks were heavily defeated. The Greek hoplites, fighting in heavy armour and in close formation with 9 foot thrusting spears made short work of the lightly armoured Persians with their short swords and javelins. The disparity in numbers killed is of no surprise.



On the evening after the battle the Persian fleet made south for the city of Athens, possibly to catch-up with it’s cavalry dispatched earlier. Miltiades moved fast, leaving sufficient force to secure the battlefield and care for the wounded, he marched the remaining hoplites the 26 miles to Athens, arriving before the Persian fleet.

Datis lingered briefly of Phalerum but the sight of the coast defended by a strong force of hoplites deterred him from any attempt to land. He ordered the fleet to return to Persia.

The Spartans lived up to their promise of aid and after completing the 150 mile march in only three days, they arrived at Athens on the 18th, perhaps two or three days after the battle and perhaps still in time to see datis and his fleet lingering off Phalerum.

Herodotus wrote:

And of the Lakedaimonians there came to Athens two thousand, after the full moon, and they had great zeal to get there, so much so that on the third day out of Sparta they were in Attica. Although they arrived too late for the battle, they desired nevertheless to view the Persians, and going to Marathon, they viewed them. Afterwards, praising the Athenians and the deed done by them, they went off back again”.

The runner Pheidippides, having completed a 300 mile run to Sparta and back, and fighting at Marathon, was then dispatched to Athens immediately after the battle to bring tidings of the Athenian victory. It is said that after delivering the news he collapsed and died. The hoplites who took part were honoured throughout their lives as Marathonians.

Athens preserved many reminders of the great day, including the pictures on the painted porch and a sculptured image of the battle on the Temple of Victory on the Acropolis. It was later described by Pausanias in the 2nd century AD:

As you go to the portico which they call painted, because of its pictures, there is a bronze statue of Hermes of the Market-place, and near it a gate.... At the end of the painting are those who fought at Marathon; the Boeotians of Plataea and the Attic contingent are coming to blows with the foreigners. In this place neither side has the better, but the centre of the fighting shows the foreigners in flight and pushing one another into the morass, while at the end of the painting are the Phoenician ships, and the Greeks killing the foreigners who are scrambling into them. Here is also a portrait of the hero Marathon, after whom the plain is named, of Theseus represented as coming up from the under-world, of Athena and of Heracles. The Marathonians, according to their own account, were the first to regard Heracles as a god. Of the fighters the most conspicuous figures in the painting are Kallimachus, who had been elected commander-in-chief by the Athenians, Miltiades, one of the generals, and a hero called Echetlus,…..”

Today two famous races commemorate the feats of Marathon.


One, the Spartathon, a 152 mile (246km) 48 hour ultra-marathon race from Athens to Sparta commemorates Pheidippides run to ask Sparta for aid.

The other, the modern 26 miles 385 yards (42.195km) Marathon, commemorates his run from Marathon to Athens with news of the Greek victory.

Author: Steve Senior